ﺷﺮﻕ ﮐﻮﺭﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ / افشین غلامی

^{ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺷﺮﻕ ﮐﻮﺭﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮐﻮﺭﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﮐﺴﻴﮑﺎﻝ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻲ،ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻱ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻱ ﮐﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺍِﻟﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﻱ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻩﮐﻮﺭﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .}

^{ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﺍﮐﺘﺮ ﮐﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺒﺴﻂ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺪ ﻓﺎﺻﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ.ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺁﮐﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ،ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺭﺍﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﻱ ﮐﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﮐﻼﺳﻴﮏ ﻭ ﻧﻮ ﺷﺮﻕ ﮐﻮﺭﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﮑﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺘﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ.ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻳﮑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ-ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ،ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﺷﻤﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ،ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻧﻬﺎﺩﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﮐﻨﺶ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ.ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﮑﺘﻴﮏ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻣﮑﺎﻧﻴﺰﻣﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﮐﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﺑﻴﻦ،ﺑﺎ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺍﮐﺘﻴﺰﻩ ﻣﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ. ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﺮﻕ ﮐﻮﺭﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻤﻼً ﻣﺘﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﺻﺒﻐﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ،ﺗﺨﻴﻞ ﮐﺎﺭﮐﺮﺩﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﮐﺎﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﮏ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺭ ﮐﻨﺪﻭﮐﺎﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ.}

^{ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﮐﻼﺳﻴﮏ   ﮐﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﮐﺮﺳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﮐﺴﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ،ﮐﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﺳﻴﻮﻥﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﺍﻣﺪﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺩﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﮐﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻱ ﮐﺎﺫﺏ ﺍﺳﻴﺮﺷﻮﺩ . ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺞ ﮐﺎﺭﮐﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻄﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﮑﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺷﮑﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ- ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻢ.}

^{ﺩﺭ ﺑﻄﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﮐﻮﺭﺩﻱ( ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﮑﻲ ﻭ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ) ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻱ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﮐﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﺳﻴﻤﻼﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ – ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﮐﻮﺭﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ .ﻓﺎﮐﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻄﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺪﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﮐﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮐﻮﺭﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻫﻤﺪﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ .ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻱ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺗﺠﻠﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻱ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﻱ ﺷﺮﻕ ﮐﻮﺭﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻨﺪ .}

^{ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎً ﺍﺻﻠﻴﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻱ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﮑﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﮐﻮﺭﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺘﻲ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﺪﻧﺬﻧﻔﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ،ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ،ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﮐﺎﺩﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ،ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲﭘﺮﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍِﻟﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﮏ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ. ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ،ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ،ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ،ﺍﻳﻨﮏ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺭﻱ ﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﮐﻮﺭﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﮐﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻤﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮎ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ،ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻡﺗﺴﻠﺴﻞ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻴﻨﮕﺮﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﻴﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ- ﺭﻋﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﮐﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻴﮑﻨﺪﮐﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻮﺭﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻋﻨﺼﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﻭﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ،ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ . ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﮐﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻄﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺘﺒﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻟﺘﺮﻧﺎﺗﻴﻮﻱ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ .}

^{ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺯﺍﺋﺪﻩ ﻱ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺑﻌﻠﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ(ﺍﺳﮑﻴﭙﻴﺴم) ﻳﺶ ﻭﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ،ﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ،ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﻧﻤﻴﻨﮕﺮﺩ،ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻐﺰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ .}

^{ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﮐﻨﺪ،ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻐﺰ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﮏ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﺑﺪ،ﮐﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻪﺭﺍﻧﺪﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎ،ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﮕﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﮑﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ . ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﺮﻕ ﮐﻮﺭﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺳﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﻳﺰﻣﺎﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻱ ﮐﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺪﮐﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺭﻫﻨﻬﻮﻥ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻴﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﻄﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﻲ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ .ﺑﻪ ﻋﮑﺲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ،ﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﻄﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺯﺍﺋﺪﻩ ﻱ ﺳَﺮِ ﻫﺮﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻱ ﻫﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﮐﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ،ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﺠﻮﺍﺭﮔﺰﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﮔﺰﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ ﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ. ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﻄﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﻠﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺎﺭﮐﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﮑﺎﻧﻴﮑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻴﮑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻴﺰﻣﻲ ﻧﮕﺮﻱ،ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺑﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻭﭘﻮﺩ ﺗﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﮐﺎﺭﮐﺮﺩ ﻭﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺍﮐﺘﻴﺰﻩ ﺩﻭﺍﻧﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ.}

^{ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﮐﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ،ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻱ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ،ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﮑﺎﻑ ﺭﻭﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺣﺰﺏ،ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺗﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ . ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﮐﻼﺳﻴﮏ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﺮﻕ ﮐﻮﺭﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ،ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺑﺮﻭﮐﺮﺍﺗﻴﮏ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﮐﺮﺍﺗﻴﺰﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯﺗﮑﻨﻮﮐﺮﺍﺗﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻴﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺍﻭﺩﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻳﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺷﻨﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺎﺫﺏ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺒﺴﻂ ﻣﻴﮑﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﺗﻮﺍﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﮐﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ .}

^{ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻱﺷﺮﻕ ﮐﻮﺭﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻠﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﻭﻓﮑﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺣﺎﮐﻢ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺑﻪﻧﻘﺶ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻲ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ. ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺍﺯﺣﻘﻮﻕ،ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ،ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎ،ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺪﻭﻟﻮﮊﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﭙﻨﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ،ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻊ ﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ،ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ.} 

^{ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ،ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﺍﻱ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ﮐﺎﻧﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﮎ،ﺗﻮﻳﺘﺮ،ﻳﻮﺗﻴﻮﺏ ﻭ … ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ،ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ! ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ،ﺧﻮﺩ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺷﺒﺢ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ . ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﻮﺭﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﮐﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﻢ ﻭﺻﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭ ﻭﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻬﻨﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ.}